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TODAY'S THEME
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| Mormon Abridging the Plates -by Tom Lovell |
Book of Mormon, 2Ne. 30:3 And now, I (Nephi, son of Lehi) would prophesy somewhat more concerning the Jews and the Gentiles. For after the book of which I have spoken (The Book of Mormon) shall come forth, and be written unto the Gentiles, and sealed up again unto the Lord, there shall be many which shall believe the words which are written; and they shall carry them forth unto the remnant of our seed (The Indians in all of the Americas - Today's Lamanites)
4 And then shall the remnant of our seed know concerning us, how that we came out from Jerusalem, and that they are descendants of the Jews.
5 And the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be declared among them; wherefore, they (the Lamanites of our day) shall be restored unto the knowledge of their fathers, and also to the knowledge of Jesus Christ, which was had among their fathers.
6 And then shall they rejoice; for they shall know that it is a blessing unto them from the hand of God; and their scales of darkness shall begin to fall from their eyes; and many generations shall not pass away among them, save they shall be a pure and a delightsome people. (Written between 559 and 545 B.C.) (clarification and emphasis added)
In my just previous blog post, 42n, you were provided examples of the "blossoming as the rose" of a number of American Indians (Lamanites) who were privileged to be a part of the Indian Student Placement Program (Service) of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Now you are given the opportunity of perusing the following study of the ISPP done by qualified professionals named just below the study's title.
I, Neil Birch, after consulting with a former Indian Student Placement Program colleague of mine, Dale Shumway, have highlighted portions of the study which we felt to be the points that perhaps should be emphasized in it. We accept the entire study as one that was done very well. Nonetheless, highlighting that which we consider to be the key parts of the study will allow you to read through it more easily and rapidly. We advise you to view and study each table provided as they are a significant part of this study. Of course, if you choose to do so, please read everything in the study and ignore our highlighting. Please remember that the highlighted emphasis is not an actual part of this study!
I, Neil Birch, after consulting with a former Indian Student Placement Program colleague of mine, Dale Shumway, have highlighted portions of the study which we felt to be the points that perhaps should be emphasized in it. We accept the entire study as one that was done very well. Nonetheless, highlighting that which we consider to be the key parts of the study will allow you to read through it more easily and rapidly. We advise you to view and study each table provided as they are a significant part of this study. Of course, if you choose to do so, please read everything in the study and ignore our highlighting. Please remember that the highlighted emphasis is not an actual part of this study!
Evaluation of an Indian Student
Placement Program
Bruce A. Chadwick, Stan L. Albrecht, and Howard M. Bahr
An evaluation of an Indian student placement program revealed that the educational attainment of participants was significantly higher than that of nonparticipants. Little difference was observed in social behavior. Participation was associated with assimilation into white society.
Bruce A. Chadwick is Professor of Sociology; Stan L. Albrecht is Dean, Home and Social Sciences; and Howard M. Bahr is Professor of Sociology, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. The authors wish to thank the Indian Student Placement Services for access to records and assistance in locating former participants. This study was funded by the Presiding Bishopric’s Office, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.
Social Casework: The Journal of Contemporary Social Work © 1986 Family Service America
The Indian Student Placement Service (ISPS) program, sponsored by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS), was initiated in the fall of 1947 when a sixteen-year-old Navajo girl asked a LDS family if she could live with them so that she could attend the local high school. Because a substantial number of Indian families came forward with similar requests during the next few years, ISPS , a licensed child-placement agency, was organized in 1954. Enrollment in the program peaked in 1970 at 4,977 Indian youth and has decreased to approximately 2,500 students as educational opportunities on reservations have improved.
The program places only LDS Indian children with LDS families who have children of a similar age. The child lives with the foster family during the nine-month school year and returns to his or her natural family on the reservation for the summer. Generally, this cycle is repeated with the same foster family until the student graduates from high school. Foster parents receive no financial remuneration and in addition to assume shelter, food, clothing, school, recreational, and medical expenses for the youth.
The program has been the recipient of both bold praise and vociferous criticism. Many Indian parents contend that their children profited from the placement experience and participants frequently echo this support.[1] Several studies have discovered that Indian students on placement have done reasonably well in both high school and college.[2] Not surprisingly, problems in adjustment have also been noted.[3] To summarize the results of these studies, ISPS somewhat improved the grade point averages, achievement test scores, and years of educational attainment of participants. That there were problems of adjustment by both the Indian student and the foster family should be no surprise. It was expected that a reasonable adjustment would be worked out during the first year. However, possible long-range psychological dangers for the students may exist.[4] Unfortunately, the focus of these studies is limited, the methodologies inadequate, the samples small, and the generalizability of the findings ambiguous, at best.
Given the limited empirical data concerning the outcomes of this large, ongoing foster placement program, we conducted an evaluation of both the short- and long-term consequences. Our objective was to determine the economic, social, and psychological effects on participants, natural families, and foster families who participated in the program.
Methods
Because nearly 80 percent of the ISPS participants had come from reservations in the four-corner area of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah, the study was limited to this area. The Navajo, Southern Ute, Unitah-Ouray, Hopi, Zuni, Fort Apache, and San Carlos Apache reservations were included in the study. The area limitation made the study much more manageable in terms of time and cost.
A sample of 249 current and former participants was selected from ISPS records. This sample consisted of fifty randomly selected participants who had entered the program at the following five-year intervals: 1960, 1965, 1970, 1975, and 1980. However, because of the small number of participants during the early years of the program, only twenty-six were selected for 1960. To increase the number of older participants in the sample, an additional twenty-five participants who had entered in 1970 were included. Also, the random selection procedures produced only forty-eight participants, rather than 50, in 1975.
Twenty-one bilingual Indian interviewers, nineteen Navajo, one Hopi, and one Zuni, were recruited and trained. Each worked with members of his or her tribe. Many of the interviews with natural parents were conducted in a native language. Church social service caseworkers interviewed respondents living in Snowflake, Phoenix, and Tucson, Arizona. The LDS social workers assigned to the Fort Apache and San Carlos Apache reservations interviewed on their respective reservations. A public school official interviewed on the Unitah-Ouray Reservation and a graduate student at Brigham Young University contacted respondents living in central and northern Utah. These non-Indian interviewers accounted for only a small fraction of the interviews completed. More than 90 percent of the interviews were completed by the Indian interviewers.
Interviewing commenced in September 1981 and was concluded in early December. Interviewers called on respondents at least five times, at different times of the day and evening and on different days of the week. At least one callback was made on a weekend. Respondents were paid a five-dollar honorarium for their time.
The sample was reduced from 249 to 238 because three respondents had been killed in traffic accidents, five were overseas in the military, and three were out of the country serving as missionaries for the LDS Church. Sixty-seven percent (160) of the respondents were interviewed. Nearly 25 percent of these were living off the reservation. The interview was mailed to those who resided in distant states; they were given twenty-five dollars if they returned it. Five completed interviews were obtained this way. Only 7 percent (17) of the sample refused. The remaining 26 percent (61) could not be located, despite considerable effort. The 67-percent response rate is remarkable in that many of the participants had terminated involvement in the program as long as twenty years previously and most lived a rather nomadic life-style.
It was difficult to identify an appropriate control group. After reviewing several alternatives, we decided to ask each participant to name a friend of the same sex who had not gone on placement, our reasoning being that such friends would have had backgrounds similar to those of the ISPS participants. We did not ask the younger students who were still on placement to name a friend, because we wanted a control group to match those who had finished their education, selected their life work, and started a family. The older participants named 141 individuals. Sixty percent (85) were interviewed, 2 percent (3) refused, and 38 percent (54) could not be found. Sixty percent is a reasonable completion rate in that we were seeking individuals who, in many cases, had not been seen for years and for whom we had only vague addresses.
The natural parents were also interviewed. The 249 couples from the sample were reduced by death to 219. We interviewed at least one parent in 69 percent (151) of these families and both parents in 18 percent (39), thus giving us a total of 190 natural-parent interviews. In two percent (4) of the families, both parents refused to be interviewed; 29 percent (64) could not be located.
Data were obtained from the foster parents via a mail survey. Three follow-up mailings were sent over a three-month period. Incorrect addresses and deaths reduced the sample from 249 to 200. At least one questionnaire was obtained from 76 percent (152) of the foster families. Three percent (6) refused and 21 percent (42) failed to return the questionnaire.
Foster parents were asked to identify natural children who had lived at home during the Indian student’s tenure. They responded with the names and addresses of 119 former foster siblings. These foster brothers and sisters were surveyed using the same procedures as those used with their parents. Four siblings were removed from the sample, because the addresses were incorrect. Of the remaining 115, 71 percent (82) responded, 1 percent (1) refused, and 28 percent (32) failed to return the questionnaire.
Results
Consequences for Participants
Educational attainment. The goal – that participants return to the foster family each year until they graduate from high school—occurred for about one-third of the students. In 40 percent of the cases the student made the decision to drop out, usually because of illness at home (see Table 1). Fifteen percent dropped out at the request of the Indian family, usually because of the illness of a parent who required help at home. Eight percent of the students were sent home or not invited back the next year; approximately 50 percent of these terminations were due to changes in the foster family’s circumstances and the other 50 percent due to conflict between the participant and foster family members. Two percent dropped out because of unusual events such as serious illness.
Federal vocational training programs, such as Job Corps, Manpower Training, and the BIA-sponsored Adult Vocational Training Program, have much more modest goals – usually less than one year of training – than does ISPS, and their reported completion rates are between 40 and 70 percent.[5] Participation in the ISPS program for up to ten years, culminating in high school graduation by a third of the students, is quite remarkable in comparison.
A related but somewhat independent goal of ISPS is to help Indian young people achieve at least a high school education and additional training if possible. The sample of participants ranged in age from nine to thirty-one years and the control sample from eighteen to thirty-four years. To distinguish short-term from long-term consequences, each sample was divided into two age categories: eighteen to twenty-four years and twenty-five to thirty-four years. The participants younger than eighteen years are not discussed in the present analysis.
The educational achievement of participants and controls is presented in Table 2. The participants were much better educated. The gap in education was larger among the older respondents. The difference in post-high school training between the older study and control groups was also substantial; more than 50 percent of the older participants had at least one year of college training, compared with only 20 percent of the control population.
We asked both participants and controls about their grades while in high, school; program participants reported significantly higher performance. We attempted to verify this self-reported advantage by obtaining official grade point averages (GPA) from the appropriate high schools. Seventy-five percent (76) of the participants and 61 percent (51) of the controls identified the high schools they had attended. The fifty-nine schools, which were located in six states, were requested by mail to send the cumulative GPA of the respondents. GPAs were received for 47 percent of the former students. The average GPA of participants was 2.48 on a 4.00 scale. The participants had a C+ or B- average. The controls had a 1.96 GPA or slightly below a C; even with the small sample, the difference is statistically significant. All things considered, the results show that ISPS increased the amount and quality of education among participants.
Economic Achievement. Several Indicators of economic achievement are presented in Tables 3 and 4. As shown in Table 3, more participants than controls reported that they were working, although the difference is not statistically significant. Family, private, church, tribal, or government assistance is another measure of economic self-sufficiency. The only statistically significant difference between the two groups was that participants were less likely to report help from parents than were controls. Also, a bank account is an indicator of economic adjustment in the main stream of society. A higher percentage of participants had bank accounts than did controls; for women the difference was significant.
Additional employment characteristics of the two groups are compared in Table 4. Placement participants were employed in significantly higher status occupations than were controls; 29 percent of the ISPS participants were in professional or managerial jobs, compared with only 5 percent of the controls. Type of employment, occupational prestige, and income generally favored ISPS participants, although the differences were not statistically significant.
The data do not provide unequivocal support for the long-range economic success of ISPS participants. We concluded that in some respects participation in the placement program enhanced the respondents' economic status and in other respects it did not. However, none of the economic indicators showed that the participants were worse off than the controls.
Social adjustment. We assumed that exposing participants to strong foster families would increase their family living skills, which in turn would increase the stability of their own marriages. We also assumed that the program would-teach students how to function more effectively in contemporary society. To test these notions, the interview included items on marital stability and social affiliation and adjustment.
One measure of marital stability is the percentage of respondents who had been divorced. Results showed that 4 percent more participants than controls had been divorced; however, the difference is not statistically significant. Respondents were asked two marital satisfaction questions: "Everything considered how happy is your marriage?" and "Compared to the marriages of your friends, how happy is your marriage?" The difference between the participants and controls is small and insignificant. Thus, contrary to expectations, the marriages of ISPS participants were neither more nor less stable or happy than those of controls.
Social participation, as indicated by involvement with friends and neighbors and the number of close friends, was higher among participants than it was among controls (see Table 5). Results on affiliation with organizations and voting were mixed. Most members of both groups, approximately 80 percent, maintained few organizational ties. Participants belonged to more clubs and lodges, and service, school, tribal, and Indian organizations than did controls, but the difference was not significant. Among the young adults, a few more participants than controls had voted in the 19S0 presidential election, but the two groups had identical rates of voting in the most recent tribal election. Among the older respondents, the controls had a much higher rate of voting, especially in tribal elections; the voting rate provided the only statistically significant difference between the two groups.
A population's arrest rate is another indicator of social adjustment. Presumably, people who are arrested more often have difficulty fitting into their social milieu. The difference in arrest rates between participants and controls in both age groups was not statistically significant but was large enough to suggest that participants had more difficulty with the police. A possible explanation for the unexpected arrest rate among participants is that they had spent more time off the reservation and were therefore at higher risk. Only 21 percent of the participants had lived on the reservation continually since their ISPS experience, compared with 65 percent of the controls who had lived there since high school. We suspect that the increased contact with police incurred by participants who live in urban areas partially accounts for their higher arrest rate. Thus, there were no social-adjustment benefits from placement experience. Very few significant differences in social adjustment appeared and approximately 50 percent of those that did occur favored controls rather than participants.
Psychological Adjustment. General happiness is a common indicator of psychological adjustment (see Table 6). For the young adults, the difference between participants and controls was quite striking; the participants were significantly happier. However, for the older respondents, the difference between participants and controls was not significant. Unfortunately, the data were not designed to answer why the advantage in morale among young adult participants was lost as they grew older.
Ethnic identity is another measure of psychological adjustment relevant to this, population. As mentioned earlier, critics of ISPS have accused the program of confusing participants about their Indian identity. In fact, participants were more likely than controls to consider themselves "partly white" (Table 7). The difference was significant. Seven percent of the participants reported that they felt "mostly" or "totally" 'white, whereas none of the controls felt this way. At the other end of the continuum, controls were twice as likely as participants to describe themselves as “totally” Indian.
There were also significant differences between participants and controls in their feelings about "fitting in" to Indian society. Although nine of ten respondents in both groups said they fit in "pretty well" or "completely" with most Indians, feeling that they "completely" fit in was expressed significantly more often by the controls. Finally, although the samples differ in their "feeling white" and "fitting in" to Indian society, they expressed similar feelings on their ability to function in white society. Eighty-five percent of the participants and 80 percent of the controls said that they fit "completely" or "pretty well” into white society.
As a consequence of the ISPS experience, participants viewed themselves as reasonably competent in both worlds but totally belonging to neither. Thus they expressed the fate of the marginal person with one foot in one culture and the other foot in another culture. Although fitting in fairly well in two societies has its advantages, belonging completely to neither has its psychological costs.
A final measure of the placement experience's impact on ethnic identity was the respondents' perceptions on how participation had altered their feelings about their Indian heritage. Two-thirds of the participants replied that participation had made them feel closer to their Indian heritage, and only 14 percent felt that it had reduced their attachment to it. To summarize, the data on psychological and ethnic adjustment revealed that young participants were happier than the older participants. However, the ISPS experience added a stronger identification with white society and left participants straddling two cultures. The results did not indicate that program participation caused a significant decline in participants' identification with their Indian heritage.
Consequences for Natural Families
Obviously, the decision to enroll a child in ISPS entailed significant costs for the parents, requiring that they send their child to live with strangers in a different culture for nine months each year. Table 8 summarizes the reasons natural parents enrolled their children in the program. The parents' most frequent answer was that they expected the ISPS experience to provide their children with a better education than they could get at home. The second most frequent answer was that placement provided religious training for the child. As mentioned earlier, all the children and the majority of parents were members of the LDS church, and thus it is understandable that 19 percent valued the religious experience. Several other reasons, such as new experiences, learning white ways, better living conditions, escape from a bad environment, problems at home and peer pressure, were noted by 3 percent to 5 percent of the parents. Overall, parents said that they sent their children on placement because the experience would improve their children's chances for a better life.
Parents were also asked to identify the positive impacts of the program on their family (Table 9). Most of the parents who were interviewed (82 percent) reported that the ISPS experience had had a favorable effect on their family. The positive impacts that were identified included Increases in the family's religiosity, an improved educational climate in the home, "character" development in the child, better quality of life for the child, and improved communication among family members. Younger siblings were singled out as especially benefiting from the experiences of their older sibling.
Information on problems and negative consequences was also elicited, with only 13 percent reporting any negative impact. Most of the negative responses involved the loss of the child's contribution to the family's well-being. Help with hauling water, chopping wood, herding livestock, and tending siblings was missed. Not surprising, several parents just plain missed their child. Only 3 percent of the parents said that their child brought home negative attitudes or behaviors from participation in the program.
The treatment of their children by the foster family was a special concern of many natural parents. However, virtually all of the natural parents (96 percent) reported that the foster families had treated their child in a caring fashion and had adequately provided for him or her.
Thus, a great majority of natural parents said that their child’s participation had had for the most part a good influence on the family and on the child. Parents almost unanimously responded that ISPS had increased their child’s educational accomplishments and social maturity. Eighty-eight percent of the natural parents indicated that if they had it to do over again, they would place their child in the program.
Consequences for Foster Families
The evaluation of the consequences of ISPS on the white foster families began with an assessment of why they had volunteered to open their homes to Indian children. The most important reason was that foster families had been asked by a church leader to participate. Approximately 25 percent became involved so that their family would have an intercultural experience. A special concern for American Indians was another important reason. Finally, a number of foster parents expressed the desire to share their well-being with others, and they saw ISPS as a way to do this.
Foster families consisted of intact upper-middle-class families with fairly high educational and occupational achievement. Two-thirds of the foster fathers had graduated from college, and 29 percent had completed postgraduate work. Mothers were also well educated. From the viewpoint of ISPS, the program had been very successful in recruiting strong foster families.
Foster parents were asked if any problems had emerged during the first three months the child was in their home. About one in five reported that the husband-wife relationship had been strained, primarily due to disagreements about how to handle the Indian child. About the same number of foster mothers reported stress in their relationships with their natural children. Considerably fewer fathers (8 percent) noticed increased strain between themselves and their natural children. The problems of adjustment between the Indian child and the parents and other children were experienced more often by the mothers, because they were the ones who generally had to mediate disputes.
Children in the white foster families reported more stress in family relationships than did parents. As they looked back on the experience, one of four reported that their relationship with their parents had been adversely affected and one-third said that their relationships with their natural brothers and sisters had suffered as a result of the placement student in the home.
Many foster parents stated that the placement children had had a negative influence on their natural children. Table 10 summarizes the perceptions of both parents and children on how the Indian children's behavior compared with the behavior of the natural children. For the most part, behavior of ISPS children was viewed by parents as similar to that of their natural children. The behavior most often disapproved of by foster parents and children was the placement children's resistance to doing homework. The most serious negative influence attributed to participants by foster parents and siblings concerned participants' violations of middle-class values: lying, stealing, profanity, and premarital sex. Approximately 25 percent of the parents and siblings were convinced that the placement student had had a negative influence on the other children in the family by teaching them forbidden behaviors.
The foster families were asked to explain the positive aspects of the placement experience. The enduring warm relationship that was developed with the Indian child was mentioned most often. Many parents stated that the placement child had become like a natural child to them. Foster parents also stated that they had grown personally. Greater patience and capacity to love was noted by many foster parents. Approximately one-third of the foster parents valued the exposure to a different culture.
Foster parents were asked to balance the pros and cons of the total experience and to indicate whether, if they had the chance to turn time back, they would again agree to participate in the program. A great majority (85 percent) said they would again open their home to a placement youth.
The former foster siblings of the ISPS student were somewhat more negative about the experience. One in three indicated that if they could go back in time and if they had the choice they would not participate in the program. Former foster siblings (now adults) repeatedly expressed the following concerns: (1) regret about the “inappropriate” behaviors to which the placement student had introduced them and other children in the family and (2) the severe culture shock they felt that the Indian child had experienced in their home and community. Many said that they felt bad about the trauma experienced by their foster brother or sister from shifting back and forth between the reservation and the white middle-class environment.
To summarize, the foster family members experienced very real costs by taking in a placement child. For the majority of both parents and children, however, the overall experience was good.
Summary
The results of the present study clearly demonstrate that the ISPS program enhanced the educational achievement of participants. However, the long-term translation of educational advantage into economic advantage was neither direct nor notable. Moreover, ISPS participation had little impact on social adjustment.
Two important findings emerged from the data on psychological adjustment. First, participation fostered assimilation of the Indian students into white society. Second, the severe psychological trauma alleged to afflict former placement students did not appear during the interviews with either the students or their natural parents. Although it is difficult to assess minor psychological problems in a single interview, we assumed that major or serious problems would have been reported. Maladaptive behaviors such as excessive drinking, drug abuse, suicide attempts and commitments to mental health programs were not reported.
The Indian families appeared to profit from the child's participation in the program. The participants shared his or her experiences with family members and increased the family's knowledge about white society. When the older former participants were compared with a control group of peers who did not participate, they were seen to be either comparatively advantaged or no different from the control group. Thus, the long-term consequences of the program for former participants were either generally favorable or, at worst, neutral. Indeed, the most negative consequences were experienced by white foster siblings, not Indian students or their families. (emphasis added)
[1] Leroi Garner Barclay, A Study of Graduates of the Indian Student Placement Program of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Master’s thesis. University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1972); Robert D. Smith, Relationships Between Foster Home Placement and Later Acculturation Patterns of Selected American Indians (Master’s thesis, Utah State University, Logan, Utah, 1970); J.E. Valberg, Role Adaptation of Foster Mothers to Indian Placement Students (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1973); Robert E. Leach, “Interstate Compact Study Showing Positive Parental Attitudes Towards LDS Social Services Indian Student Placement Service” (mimeographed report presented to Interstate Secretariat, Washington, D.C., 1977); Albert Wallace Pope, “An Exploration of the University Environment as Perceived by Native American Freshmen” (mimeographed report presented to Department of Indian Education, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah (1977); and Wasatch Opinion Research Corporation, “The Indian Student Placement Service Evaluation Opinion Survey: Phase 1 and Phase II” (mimeographed final reports presented to The Presiding Bishopric’s Office, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1977 and 1979).
[2] Clarence R. Bishop, “An Evaluation of the Scholastic Achievement of Selected Indian Students Attending Elementary Schools in Utah” (Master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1960); Robert L. Webb, “An Examination of Certain Aspects of the American Indian Education Program at Brigham Young University” (mimeographed report presented to the Department of Indian Education, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1972); Linda O. Willson, “Changes in Scholastic Achievement and Intelligence of Indian Children enrolled in a Foster Placement Program” (Master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1973); Bert P. Cundick, Douglas K. Gottfredson, and Linda O. Willson, “Changes in Scholastic Achievement and Intelligence of Indian Children Enrolled in a Foster Placement Program,” Developmental Psychology 10 (December 1974: 815-20; G.T. Lindquist, The Indian Student Placement Program as a Means of Increasing the Education of Children of Selected Indian Families (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1974); L. LaMar Adams, H. Bruce Highley, and Leland H. Campbell, “Academic Success of American Indian Students at a Large Private University,” College and University 53 (Fall 1977); 100-107; and Grant Hardy Taylor, A Comparative Study of Former LDS Placement and Non-Placement Navajo Students at Brigham Young University (Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1981).
[3] Martin D. Topper, “Mormon Placement: The Effects of Missionary Foster Families on Navajo Adolescents,” Ethos 7 (Summer 1979): 142-160.
[4] Topper, “Mormon Placement,” pp. 142-60.
[5] Lawrence Clinton, Bruce A. Chadwick, and Howard M. Bahr, “Vocational Training for Indian Migrants: Correlates of Success in a Federal Program,” Human Organization 32 (Spring 1973): 17-27.
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Because the 181st Annual General Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was held this past weekend I thought it appropriate to make all of the Conference speeches available to you in this post 42o of mine.
You will be assisted in searching for the language of your choice. You will find the language list on the upper right side of the page your clicking on the link below will lead you to. Best wishes!
I experienced personally each one of the speeches given during the entire conference while watching television in our living room with my wife, Melva, with the exception of the General Priesthood meeting which was held Saturday evening. I viewed that at our LDS Stake Center along with my two brothers who live not too far from us.
I was more deeply touched during this particular conference for some unknown reason, than ever before!
Neil Birch
April (2011) General Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
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DISCLAIMER
This website is not owned by or affiliated with the Church Of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (sometimes called the Mormon or LDS Church). The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent the position of the Church.
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TO ACCESS NEIL BIRCH'S BLOG INDEX: To Either Read the Full Index Item Which Refers To This Blog Post, (Or To Search The Index For Any Other Blog Post You Desire To Access), After You Have Read All of This Paragraph, Please Scroll Back Up And Click on the Following: (The) Indian Student Placement Program, of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Third in a series of three special posts, A Professional Study -Post 42o. When The Picture of Our Savior, Jesus Christ Sitting Next To a Little Boy Comes Onto Your Screen, Please Scroll Down In The Index To Your Target Item Or Use the Alphabetical Scrolling Device (When It Has Been Installed).
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Have You Really Read the Book of Mormon?" Legal /Statement. Thank you for visiting. The author retains intellectual property and creative licensing rights. Permission to use or reprint must be given in writing. © Est.2008 Neil Birch Legal /Statement.
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I deeply appreciate your readership and hope you found very beneficial, that which was presented to you in this blog post.
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Neil Birch
